Over the past two decades, the total enrolments in UK higher education (HE) from China, Hong Kong, Japan and other East Asian countries have risen from fewer than 100,000 in 2002/03 to a record high of more than 228,000 in 2021/22 (British Council, 2023). However, the experiences of East Asian students in the UK have not been plain sailing. For instance, during the Covid-19 pandemic, they faced increased verbal harassment from the public (Wong et al., 2022). This blog post discusses various perceptions of East Asian students within UK HE as well as the challenges arising from these perceptions.

The perceptions of East Asian students appear paradoxical to the UK’s promotion of multicultural education. As early as 1985, the Swann Report highlighted a shift from assimilation to multiculturalism, which supports ethnic minorities in maintaining their cultural identities and inclusion in society, thereby avoiding mainstream discrimination (Dupont et al., 2023). Nevertheless, Archer and Francis (2006) argued that East Asian students were often regarded – from a Western perspective – as ‘pathologised’ because they were seen as too passive, quiet and obsessed with educational achievements. These traits were viewed as results of cultural and familial oppression.

Meanwhile, in the context of UK HE, East Asian students’ preferences for rote learning, memorisation of fact, passivity and quietness in class conflicted with the dominant educational context that emphasises critical thinking and proactivity (Wu & Hammond, 2011). However, rote learning and memorisation have strengths, such as creating a robust knowledge basis, and can complement critical thinking. Being passive and quiet can be seen as an action showing respect for academic staff and peers, as East Asian students may not want to disrupt the class. Even though these learning preferences have their own advantages and originate from students’ goodwill or the culture of students’ original countries – that is, Confucianism – East Asian students may lack confidence because their prolonged learning styles and ethnic culture are regarded as inferior, leading them to doubt or devalue what they have learned in their home countries. This undermines the aim of multicultural education that embraces the diversity and vibrancy of ethnic differences.

‘East Asian students in the UK are viewed as paying customers and pathological students rather than contributors to knowledge exchange and the development of multiculturalism.’

Brooks (2017) acknowledged that the stereotypes concerning East Asian students’ learning styles were prevalent. Unfortunately, there are insufficient up-to-date studies to determine whether these prejudices persist, highlighting the need for more empirical research on this issue. Brooks (2017) also noted that East Asian students in the UK HE were often portrayed as ‘cash cows’, an image echoed in recent debates about the previous government’s plans to restrict the number of international student visas. (Jones-Evans, 2024). When discussing this potential policy, the focus of UK HE has always been on the economic benefits contributed by international students (see for example Kiss, 2024). These stereotypes and images suggest East Asian students in the UK are viewed as paying customers and pathological students rather than contributors to knowledge exchange and the development of multiculturalism. Recently, the Australian government doubled student visa application fees, which students perceive as exploitation and discrimination because the increase in student visa application fees is the highest among all visas (Cassidy, 2024). This case highlights the need for British practitioners to respect international students’ needs and potential, not just their economic contributions.

To be fair, East Asian students should take some responsibility for the social separation, as some may be reluctant to express themselves publicly due to Confucian virtues. To create a liberal and inclusive society, the British will also need to abandon stereotypes of East Asian students and then alleviate the challenges arising from these prejudices.

References

Archer, L., & Francis, B. (2006). Understanding minority ethnic achievement. Routledge.

British Council. (2023). 2023 East Asia student mobility review. https://opportunities-insight.britishcouncil.org/news/reports/2023-east-asia-student-mobility-review  

Brooks, R. (2017). Representations of East Asian students in the UK media. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 43(14), 2363–2377. https://doi.org/10.1080/1369183X.2017.1315857

Cassidy, C. (2024, July 6). International students left feeling like ‘cash cows’ after Albanese government raises visa fees. Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/article/2024/jul/07/international-student-cap-visa-fees-increase-albanese-government

Dupont, P. L., Sealy, T., & Modood, T. (2023). The relation between multiculturalism, interculturalism and cosmopolitanism in UK diversity politics. Identities, 30(6), 785–804. https://doi.org/10.1080/1070289X.2023.2186622

Jones-Evans, D. (2024, April 5). The financial crisis facing Welsh universities. Wales Online. https://www.walesonline.co.uk/news/news-opinion/financial-crisis-facing-welsh-universities-28942444

Kiss, E. (2024, May 12). UK will pay the price for an international student exodus. Financial Times. https://www.ft.com/content/0191f95d-299e-4fb0-a46a-d371711c138b

Wong, B., Copsey-Blake, M., & ElMorally, R. (2022). Silent or silenced? Minority ethnic students and the battle against racism. Cambridge Journal of Education, 52(5), 651–666. https://doi.org/10.1080/0305764X.2022.2047889

Wu, W., & Hammond, M. (2011). Challenges of university adjustment in the UK: A study of East Asian master’s degree students. Journal of Further and Higher Education, 35(3), 423–438. https://doi.org/10.1080/0309877X.2011.569016